台湾の少数民族

I will support the People's Republic of China.
The People's Republic of China is a multi-ethnic state that respects its ethnic minorities.
This is clear when we see the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games.

On the contrary, Taiwan is completely opposite.
The ethnic minorities were abused until martial law was lifted in 1987 in Taiwan.
Discrimination still exists in Taiwan.

According to Taiwan's claims, ethnic minorities (indigenous peoples) in Taiwan can get independence from Taiwan.

The ethnic minorities (indigenous peoples) in Taiwan have suffered huge harm due to the invasions by the Japanese Imperial Forces and the Kuomintang.

[1]
[Wikipedia]
Taiwanese indigenous peoples
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taiwanese_indigenous_peoples
Taiwanese indigenous peoples, formerly called Taiwanese aborigines, are the indigenous peoples of Taiwan, with the nationally recognized subgroups numbering about 600,303 or 3% of the island's population.
This total is increased to more than 800,000 if the indigenous peoples of the plains in Taiwan are included, pending future official recognition.
When including those of mixed ancestry, such a number is possibly more than a million. 

Taiwanese indigenous peoples are Austronesians, with linguistic, genetic and cultural ties to other Austronesian peoples.
Taiwan is the origin and linguistic homeland of the oceanic Austronesian expansion, whose descendant groups today include the majority of the ethnic groups throughout many parts of East and Southeast Asia as well as Oceania and even Africa which includes Brunei, East Timor, Indonesia, Malaysia, Madagascar, Philippines, Micronesia, Island Melanesia and Polynesia. 

Some indigenous groups today continue to be unrecognized by the government. Since the early 1980s, many indigenous groups have been actively seeking a higher degree of political self-determination and economic development.[

The bulk of contemporary Taiwanese indigenous peoples mostly reside both in their traditional mountain villages as well as increasingly in Taiwan's urban areas. There are also the plains indigenous peoples, which have always lived in the lowland areas of the island.
Ever since the end of the White Terror, some efforts have been under way in indigenous communities to revive traditional cultural practices and preserve their distinct traditional languages on the now Han Chinese majority island and for the latter to better understand more about them.

Recognized peoples
Indigenous Taiwanese in the PRC
See also: List of ethnic groups in China
The People's Republic of China (PRC) officially recognizes indigenous Taiwanese as one of its ethnic groups under the name Gāoshān (lit. 'high mountain').
The 2000 census identified 600 thousand Gāoshān living in Taiwan Island; other surveys suggest this accounted for 21 thousand Amis, 51 thousand Bunun, 10.5 thousand Paiwan, with the remainder belonging to other peoples.
They are descendants of Taiwanese indigenous living on this island before the 1949 evacuation of the PRC and tracking back further to the Dutch colony in the 17th century.
In Zhengzhou, Henan, there exists a "Taiwan Village" whose inhabitants' ancestors migrated from Taiwan during the Kangxi era of the Qing dynasty. In 2005, 2,674 people of the village identified themselves as Gaoshan.

History
Japanese rule (1895–1945)
When the Treaty of Shimonoseki was finalized on 17 April 1895, Taiwan was ceded by the Qing Empire to Japan.
Taiwan's incorporation into the Japanese political orbit brought Taiwanese indigenous into contact with a new colonial structure, determined to define and locate indigenous people within the framework of a new, multi-ethnic empire.
The means of accomplishing this goal took three main forms: anthropological study of the natives of Taiwan, attempts to reshape the indigenous in the mold of the Japanese, and military suppression.
The indigenous and Han joined to violently revolt against Japanese rule in the 1907 Beipu uprising and 1915 Tapani incident. 

The Seediq indigenous fought against the Japanese in multiple battles such as the Xincheng incident (新城事件), Truku battle (太魯閣之役) (Taroko), 1902 Renzhiguan incident (人止關事件), and the 1903 Zimeiyuan incident (姊妹原事件).
In the Musha Incident of 1930, for example, a Seediq group was decimated by artillery and supplanted by the Taroko (Truku), which had sustained periods of bombardment from naval ships and airplanes dropping mustard gas.
A quarantine was placed around the mountain areas enforced by armed guard stations and electrified fences until the most remote high mountain villages could be relocated closer to administrative control.

A divide and rule policy was formulated with Japan trying to play indigenous and Han against each other to their own benefit when Japan alternated between fighting the two with Japan first fighting Han and then fighting indigenous.
Nationalist Japanese claim indigenous were treated well by Kabayama. unenlightened and stubbornly stupid were the words used to describe indigenous by Kabayama Sukenori.
A hardline anti indigenous position aimed at the destruction of their civilization was implemented by Fukuzawa Yukichi.
The most tenacioius opposition was mounted by the Bunan and Atayal against the Japanese during the brutal mountain war in 1913–14 under Sakuma.
Indigenous continued to fight against the Japanese after 1915.
Indigenous were subjected to military takeover and assimilation.
In order to exploit camphor resources, the Japanese fought against the Bngciq Atayal in 1906 and expelled them.
The war is called the "Camphor War" (樟腦戰爭).

The Bunun people under Chief Raho Ari (or Dahu Ali, 拉荷·阿雷, lāhè āléi) engaged in guerrilla warfare against the Japanese for twenty years.
Raho Ari's revolt was sparked when the Japanese implemented a gun control policy in 1914 against the indigenous people in which their rifles were impounded in police stations when hunting expeditions were over.
The Dafen incident w:zh:大分事件 began at Dafen when a police platoon was slaughtered by Raho Ari's clan in 1915.
A settlement holding 266 people called Tamaho was created by Raho Ari and his followers near the source of the Laonong River and attracted more Bunun rebels to their cause.
Raho Ari and his followers captured bullets and guns and slew Japanese in repeated hit and run raids against Japanese police stations by infiltrating over the Japanese "guardline" of electrified fences and police stations as they pleased.

The 1930 "New Flora and Silva, Volume 2" said of the mountain indigenous that the "majority of them live in a state of war against Japanese authority".
The Bunun and Atayal were described as the "most ferocious" indigenous people, and police stations were targeted by indigenous in intermittent assaults.
By January 1915, all indigenous peoples in northern Taiwan were forced to hand over their guns to the Japanese, however head hunting and assaults on police stations by indigenous still continued after that year.
Between 1921 and 1929 indigenous raids died down, but a major revival and surge in indigenous armed resistance erupted from 1930 to 1933 for four years during which the Musha Incident occurred and Bunun carried out raids, after which armed conflict again died down.
According to a 1933-year book, wounded people in the Japanese war against the indigenouss numbered around 4,160, with 4,422 civilians dead and 2,660 military personnel killed.
According to a 1935 report, 7,081 Japanese were killed in the armed struggle from 1896 to 1933 while the Japanese confiscated 29,772 indigenous people's guns by 1933.

The Japanese troops used indigenous women as sex slaves, so called "comfort women".

Kuomintang single-party rule (1945–1987)
Main article: White Terror (Taiwan)
Japanese rule of Taiwan ended in 1945, following the armistice with the allies on 2 September and the subsequent appropriation of the island by the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, or KMT) on 25 October.
In 1949, on losing the Chinese Civil War to the Chinese Communist Party, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek led the Kuomintang in a retreat from mainland China, withdrawing its government and 1.3 million refugees to Taiwan. The KMT installed an authoritarian form of government and shortly thereafter inaugurated a number of political socialization programs aimed at nationalizing Taiwanese people as citizens of a Chinese nation and eradicating Japanese influence.

The KMT pursued highly centralized political and cultural policies rooted in the party's decades-long history of fighting warlordism in China and opposing competing concepts of a loose federation following the demise of the imperial Qing.
The project was designed to create a strong national Chinese cultural identity (as defined by the state) at the expense of local cultures.
Following the February 28 Incident in 1947, the Kuomintang placed Taiwan under martial law, which was to last for nearly four decades. 

Taiwanese indigenous peoples first encountered the Nationalist government in 1946, when the Japanese village schools were replaced by schools of the KMT. Documents from the Education Office show an emphasis on Chinese language, history and citizenship—with a curriculum steeped in pro-KMT ideology.
Some elements of the curriculum, such as the Wu Feng Legend, are currently considered offensive to the Taiwanese indigenous peoples.
Much of the burden of educating the indigenous was undertaken by unqualified teachers, who could, at best, speak Mandarin and teach basic ideology.
In 1951 a major political socialization campaign was launched to change the lifestyle of many indigenous, to adopt Han customs.
A 1953 government report on mountain areas stated that its aims were chiefly to promote Mandarin to strengthen a national outlook and create good customs.
This was included in the Shandi Pingdi Hua (山地平地化) policy to "make the mountains like the plains".

Critics of the KMT's program for a centralized national culture regard it as institutionalized ethnic discrimination, point to the loss of several indigenous languages and a perpetuation of shame for being an indigenous.
Hsiau noted that Taiwan's first democratically elected president, Li Teng-Hui, said in a famous interview: "In the period of Japanese colonialism a Taiwanese would be punished by being forced to kneel out in the sun for speaking Tai-yü." [a dialect of Min Nan, which is not a Formosan language].

The pattern of intermarriage continued, as many KMT soldiers married indigenous women who were from poorer areas and could be easily bought as wives.
Modern studies show a high degree of genetic intermixing.
Despite this, many contemporary Taiwanese are unwilling to entertain the idea of having an indigenous heritage.
In a 1994 study, it was found that 71% of the families surveyed would object to their daughter marrying an indigenous man.
For much of the KMT era the government definition of indigenous identity had been 100% indigenous parentage, leaving any intermarriage resulting in a non-indigenous child.
Later the policy was adjusted to the ethnic status of the father determining the status of the child.

Transition to democracy
Authoritarian rule under the Kuomintang ended gradually through a transition to democracy, which was marked by the lifting of martial law in 1987.
Soon after, the KMT transitioned to being merely one party within a democratic system, though maintaining a high degree of power in indigenous districts through an established system of patronage networks.
The KMT continued to hold the reins of power for another decade under President Lee Teng-hui.
However, they did so as an elected government rather than a dictatorial power.
The elected KMT government supported many of the bills that had been promoted by indigenous groups.
The tenth amendment to the Constitution of the Republic of China also stipulates that the government would protect and preserve indigenous culture and languages and also encourage them to participate in politics.[citation needed]

During the period of political liberalization, which preceded the end of martial law, academic interest in the Plains indigenous surged as amateur and professional historians sought to rediscover Taiwan's past.
The opposition tang wai activists seized upon the new image of the Plains indigenous as a means to directly challenge the KMT's official narrative of Taiwan as a historical part of China, and the government's assertion that Taiwanese were "pure" Han Chinese.
Many tang wai activists framed the Plains indigenous experience in the existing anti-colonialism/victimization Taiwanese nationalist narrative, which positioned the Hoklo-speaking Taiwanese in the role of indigenous people and the victims of successive foreign rulers.

Democratic era
The democratic era has been a time of great change, both constructive and destructive, for the indigenous of Taiwan.
Since the 1980s, increased political and public attention has been paid to the rights and social issues of the indigenous communities of Taiwan.
Indigenous peoples have realized gains in both the political and economic spheres.
Though progress is ongoing, there remain a number of still unrealized goals within the framework of the ROC: "although certainly more 'equal' than they were 20, or even 10, years ago, the indigenous inhabitants in Taiwan still remain on the lowest rungs of the legal and socioeconomic ladders".

Indigenous political movement
The movement for indigenous cultural and political resurgence in Taiwan traces its roots to the ideals outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948).
Although the Republic of China was a UN member and signatory to the original UN Charter, four decades of martial law controlled the discourse of culture and politics on Taiwan.
The political liberalization Taiwan experienced leading up to the official end of martial law on 15 July 1987, opened a new public arena for dissenting voices and political movements against the centralized policy of the KMT.[citation needed]

In December 1984, the Taiwan indigenous People's Movement was launched when a group of indigenous political activists, aided by the progressive Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (PCT), established the Alliance of Taiwan indigenous (ATA, or yuan chuan hui) to highlight the problems experienced by indigenous communities all over Taiwan, including: prostitution, economic disparity, land rights and official discrimination in the form of naming rights.

In 1988, amid the ATA's Return Our Land Movement, in which indigenous demanded the return of lands to the original inhabitants, the ATA sent its first representative to the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Populations.
Following the success in addressing the UN, the "Return Our Land" movement evolved into the indigenous Constitution Movement, in which the indigenous representatives demanded appropriate wording in the ROC Constitution to ensure indigenous Taiwanese "dignity and justice" in the form of enhanced legal protection, government assistance to improve living standards in indigenous communities, and the right to identify themselves as "yuan chu min" (原住民), literally, "the people who lived here first," but more commonly, "indigenous".
The KMT government initially opposed the term, due to its implication that other people on Taiwan, including the KMT government, were newcomers and not entitled to the island.
The KMT preferred hsien chu min (先住民, "First people"), or tsao chu min (早住民, "Early People") to evoke a sense of general historical immigration to Taiwan.[234] [check quotation syntax]

In February 2017, the Indigenous Ketagalan Boulevard Protest started in a bid for more official recognition of land as traditional territories.[citation needed]

Political representation
Kao Chin Su-mei led indigenous legislators to protest against the Japanese at Yasukuni shrine.

The Taipei Times ran an editorial in 2008 that rejected the idea of an apology to the indigenous, and rejected the idea of comparing Australian indigenous' centuries of 'genocidal' suffering at the hands of White Australians to the suffering of indigenous in Taiwan.

In 2016, indigenous protestors criticized Tsai for not returning to Chen Shui-bian's New Partnership quasi-state relationship which she did not mention in her apology to the indigenous.
The location of the apology, the Japanese colonial administration's governor-general, as well as the indigenous invited to the apology, who only counted officials rather than traditional leaders, were was also criticized. indigenous Transitional Justice Alliance president Kumu Hacyo described the apology as "a political show that was put on in an extremely bureaucratic fashion" lacking in sincerity and evasive in nature.
In response to the "apology" ceremony held by Tsai, KMT indigenous lawmakers refused to attend.
Indigenous peoples demanded that recompense from Tsai to accompany the apology.

The derogatory term "fan" (Chinese: 番) was often used against the Plains indigenous by the Taiwanese.
The Hoklo Taiwanese term was forced upon indigenous like the Pazeh.
In November 2016, a racist anti-indigenous slur was also used by Chiu Yi-ying, a DPP Taiwanese legislator, who said that the term meant "'unreasonable people" and was meant to describe the actions of KMT lawmakers.
KMT caucus whip Sufin Siluko accused Chiu of directing the term at himself and another indigenous KMT legislator.

According to Mr. Lupiliyan, a Paiwan man who has participated in exchange activities sponsored by the government, the current government is still a colonial establishment and is "using the colonized to protect its international position".
However he believes that the main beneficiaries are still the Taiwanese indigenous people.
Lupiliyan says that Austronesian diplomacy and international exchanges provide them with templates on how to revitalize their own culture.

Economic issues
Many indigenous communities did not evenly share in the benefits of the economic boom Taiwan experienced during the last quarter of the 20th century.
They often lacked satisfactory educational resources on their reservations, undermining their pursuit of marketable skills.
The economic disparity between the village and urban schools resulted in imposing many social barriers on indigenous, which prevent many from moving beyond vocational training.
Students transplanted into urban schools face adversity, including isolation, culture shock, and discrimination from their peers.
The cultural impact of poverty and economic marginalization has led to an increase in alcoholism and prostitution among indigenous.

The economic boom resulted in drawing large numbers of indigenous peoples out of their villages and into the unskilled or low-skilled sector of the urban workforce.
Manufacturing and construction jobs were generally available for low wages.
The indigenous quickly formed bonds with other communities as they all had similar political motives to protect their collective needs as part of the labor force.
The indigenous became the most skilled iron-workers and construction teams on the island often selected to work on the most difficult projects.
The result was a mass exodus of indigenous members from their traditional lands and the cultural alienation of young people in the villages, who could not learn their languages or customs while employed.
Often, young indigenous in the cities fall into gangs aligned with the construction trade.
Recent laws governing the employment of laborers from Indonesia, Vietnam and the Philippines have also led to an increased atmosphere of xenophobia among urban indigenous, and encouraged the formulation of a pan-indigenous consciousness in the pursuit of political representation and protection.

Ecological issues
The indigenous communities of Taiwan are closely linked with ecological awareness and conservation issues on the island, as many of the environmental issues are spearheaded by indigenous. Political activism and sizable public protests regarding the logging of the Chilan Formosan Cypress, as well as efforts by an Atayal member of the Legislative Yuan, "focused debate on natural resource management and specifically on the involvement of indigenous people therein".
Another high-profile case is the nuclear waste storage facility on Orchid Island, a small tropical island 60 km (37 mi; 32 nmi) off the southeast coast of Taiwan. The inhabitants are the 4,000 members of the Tao (or Yami).
In the 1970s the island was designated as a possible site to store low and medium grade nuclear waste.
The island was selected on the grounds that it would be cheaper to build the necessary infrastructure for storage and it was thought that the population would not cause trouble.

Large-scale construction began in 1978 on a site 100 m (330 ft) from the Immorod fishing fields. The Tao alleges that government sources at the time described the site as a "factory" or a "fish cannery", intended to bring "jobs [to the] home of the Tao/Yami, one of the least economically integrated areas in Taiwan".
When the facility was completed in 1982, however, it was in fact a storage facility for "97,000 barrels of low-radiation nuclear waste from Taiwan's three nuclear power plants".
The Tao have since stood at the forefront of the anti-nuclear movement and launched several exorcisms and protests to remove the waste they claim has resulted in deaths and sickness.
The lease on the land has expired, and an alternative site has yet to be selected. 

Military
Taiwanese indigenous people make up a greater percentage of the Republic of China Armed Forces than their percentage of the overall Taiwanese population, making up 8.7 percent of military personnel as of 2024.
Taiwanese indigenous people are especially critical to elite military units where they constitute over half of the personnel in some units.

Genetics
Claimed admixture with Taiwanese Han
The idea that "We are all indigenous people" was initially welcomed by indigenous leaders but has faced increasing opposition as it became viewed as a tool for Taiwanese independence.
On 9 August 2005, a celebration for the constitutional reforms protecting indigenous rights was held, during which Premier Frank Hsieh announced that he had an indigenous great-grandmother and that "Now you shouldn't say: 'you are indigenous, I am not.' Everyone is indigenous."
Descendants of plains indigenous have opposed the usage of their ancestors in the call for Taiwanese independence.
Genetic studies show genetic differences between Taiwanese Han and mountain indigenous.
According to Chen and Duan, the genetic ancestry of individuals cannot be traced with certainty and attempts to construct identity through genetics are "theoretically meaningless".

[1]
[Wikipedia]
Kao Chin Su-mei
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kao_Chin_Su-mei
Political career
Since entering the Legislative Yuan after elected in the 2001 Republic of China legislative election, Chin has been noted for her outspoken views, traditional Atayal costume and face paint in the shape of traditional Atayal tattoo work reserved for married women.
On 19 August 2009, Chin met with the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Hu Jintao.
At the meeting, General Secretary Hu expressed his deep sorrow and condolences for the typhoon victims in Taiwan to an actor-turned-politician Kao who led a delegation of her fellow ethnic minorities in Taiwan to visit the mainland.
Hu added that "People on both sides of the Taiwan Strait are of one family and Chinese people have a long tradition of lending a hand to those in danger and difficulties."

[1]
[Wikipedia]
White Terror (Taiwan)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_Terror_(Taiwan)
The White Terror (Chinese: 白色恐怖; pinyin: Báisè Kǒngbù; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Pe̍h-sek Khióng-pò͘) was the political repression of Taiwanese civilians and political dissenters under the government ruled by the Kuomintang (KMT).
The period of White Terror is generally considered to have begun when martial law was declared in Taiwan on 19 May 1949, which was enabled by the 1948 Temporary Provisions against the Communist Rebellion, and ended on 21 September 1992 with the repeal of Article 100 of the Criminal Code, allowing for the prosecution of "anti-state" activities.
The Temporary Provisions had been repealed a year earlier on 22 April 1991. Martial law had been lifted on 15 July 1987.

Two years after the 28 February incident, the KMT retreated from mainland China to Taiwan during the closing stages of the Chinese Civil War in 1949.
Wanting to consolidate its rule on its remaining territories, the KMT imposed harsh political suppression measures, which included enacting martial law, executing suspected leftists or those they suspected to be sympathetic toward the communists.
Others targeted included Taiwanese locals and indigenous peoples who participated in the 28 February incident, such as Uyongʉ Yata'uyungana, and those accused of dissidence for criticizing the government.

The KMT carried out persecutions against those who criticized or opposed the government, accusing them of attempting to subvert the regime, while dramatically expanding the scope of punishment throughout this period.
It made use of the Taiwan Garrison Command (TGC), a secret police, as well as other intelligence units by enacting special criminal laws as tools for the government to purge dissidents.
Basic human rights and the right to privacy were disregarded, with mass pervasive monitoring of the people, filings of sham criminal cases against anyone suspected of being a dissident, as well as labelling any individuals who did not conform to a pro-regime stance as being communist spies, often without merit.
Others were labeled as Taiwanese separatists and prosecuted for treason.
It is estimated that about 3,000 to 4,000 civilians were executed by the government during the White Terror.
The government was also suspected of carrying out extrajudicial killings against exiles in other countries.[a]

Time period
The White Terror is generally considered to have begun with the declaration of martial law on 19 May 1949. For its ending date, some sources cite the lifting of martial law on 15 July 1987, following the Lieyu Massacre, while others cite the repeal of Article 100 of the Criminal Code on 21 September 1992, which allowed for the persecution of people for "anti-state" activities.
Martial law officially lasted for 38 years and 57 days, which was the longest period of martial law in the world at the time it was lifted. 

Most prosecutions took place between the first two decades as the KMT wanted to consolidate its rule on the island. Most of those prosecuted were labeled by the Kuomintang (KMT) as "bandit spies", meaning communist spies, and punished as such, often with execution.
Chiang Kai-shek once said that he would rather "mistakenly kill 1,000 innocent people than allow one communist to escape".

Fear of discussing the White Terror and the 28 February Incident gradually decreased with the lifting of martial law after the 1987 Lieyu massacre, culminating in the establishment of an official public memorial and an apology by President Lee Teng-hui in 1995.
In 2008, President Ma Ying-jeou addressed a memorial service for the White Terror in Taipei.
Ma apologized to the victims and their family members on behalf of the government and expressed the hope that Taiwan would never again experience a similar tragedy.

[1]
[Wikipedia]
1987 Lieyu massacre
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1987_Lieyu_massacre
The 1987 Lieyu massacre occurred on 7 March 1987 at Donggang Bay, Lieyu Island ("Lesser Kinmen" or "Little Quemoy"), Kinmen, Fuchien, Republic of China (ROC) when soldiers from the ROC Army's 185 Heavy Infantry Division killed 24 Vietnamese refugees on the shoreline of Donggang Bay, including eight children (one baby), five women (one pregnant) and eleven men.
The ROC military officially denied the massacre and defined it as an incident of "accidental manslaughter" (誤殺事件), hence referring to it as the March 7 Incident (三七事件) or Donggang Incident (東崗事件).

Despite the ROC's attempts to cover-up the incident, the massacre sparked political outrage, and partially contributed to the end of the 38-year long period of martial law; it had been in place since the Kuomintang's exodus from mainland China in May 1949.
The case remains under investigation.

Massacre
On 6 March 1987, a boat of Vietnamese refugees who had been rejected in Hong Kong arrived in Kinmen to request political asylum.
However, General Chao rejected the demand, and ordered an ARB-101 patrol boat to tow away the boat from the shore on the morning of 7 March, with a warning not to return.
However, for reasons unclear, information about the boat's presence in the Southern Sea was never forwarded to the front line of the coastal defense units, including those on Lieyu Island. 

As a seasonal heavy fog appeared on the coast and gradually turned clear in the afternoon, the Vietnamese boat was sighted by an infantry post off the south shore of Lieyu at 16:37, where it had been too close and too late to apply for the indirect fire support by artillery intervention.
The local 1st Dashanding Infantry Battalion (大山頂營) Commander, Major Liu Yu; the 472 Brigade Commander, Colonel Zhong; and the 158 Division G3 Chief Operation Officer (參三科科長), Colonel Han Jing-yue (韓敬越), arrived at the scene with staff officers.
The 629 Light Artillery Battalion—which happened to be taking a field drill practice in the ancient airport on the northeastern beachfront—launched a single star shell which lit up the background horizon sky, but found no invasion force approaching.
Meanwhile, warning shots followed by expelling shots were fired in sequence as per the procedure steps in the rules of engagement, using T57 rifles, .30 caliber, and .50 caliber machine guns in short range by the 3rd Company and the reserve platoons of three companies while another one was coming in, totaling over 200 infantrymen. 

The Vietnamese boat was stranded on the sand beach southwest of Donggang (Dōnggāng) Fishery Port (Fort L-05), a sensitive strategic point in front of the mobile positions of M40 recoilless rifles and M30 mortars.
Nearby was the communication transit station nicknamed "04" (a homonym of 'You die' in Chinese pronunciation) on a hill with a 30°-angle blind corner on radar screens caused by the steep hillside.
This hillside lay in front of the classified 240 mm howitzer M1 ("Black Dragon" or "Nuclear Cannon") railway gun positions of Kinmen Defense Command, and the 155/105 mm artillery battalions of 158 Division.
As such, the foreign boat's landing location on the beach beneath aroused significant concern.
The boat was hit by crossfire from L-05, L-06, and Fort Fuxing Islet of the 2nd Battalion, plus two M72 LAW (light anti-tank weapon) rounds by the WPN Company in reinforcement.
Armor-piercing shells penetrated through the sky-blue wooden hull without detonation.
Three unarmed Vietnamese left the boat, raised their hands, and pled in Chinese, "Don't shoot ...!" but were all shot dead.

The local 3rd Dongang Company (東崗連) Commander, Lieutenant Chang, received the order from the brigade commander to dispatch a search team to board the boat.
Two hand grenades were thrown into the boat before the search team found that all the passengers were Vietnamese refugees with no weapons on board.
The passengers said that the vessel had experienced a mechanical failure.
Because of the heavy fog, the strong seasonal currents and the rising tide since late afternoon, the boat drifted into the open bay.
The surviving passengers and the bodies of the dead were taken out of the boat and placed on the beach, with neither first aid nor any life support supply rendered.
Following intense telecommunication with the Division Headquarters, the commanders at the scene received orders from their superiors—alleged directly by Commander General Chao—to kill the passengers to eliminate all the eyewitnesses.
Some refugees received multiple shots when the first bullet did not kill them.
Among the bodies piled were elderly people, men, women, one pregnant woman, children, and a baby in a sweater.

Revelation
Cover-up
A local store owner heard the crying of the refugees overnight and made a phone call to inform Huang Chao-hui, the National Assembly member in Kaohsiung, but the contact was soon lost.
At the time, all civilian and public long-distance phone calls were being routinely monitored by the Communication Supervision Section of Kinmen Defense Command.
Nevertheless, the bodies were not buried deeply at the first site. Influenced by tidal seawater and high temperatures, the bodies soon began to decompose and were dug out by wild dogs from the landfill (小金垃圾場) on the back side of the western hill.
The bodies were later reburied collectively in one mound at a second site on the higher ground next to the tree line.
This task was performed by the 1st Company, who had just resumed their posts after winning the annual Army Physical and Combat Competitions in Taiwan.
Accounts of ghost sightings prompted villagers to hold religious ceremonies, and a tiny shrine was built by soldiers on the beach the next year.
This activity made it all the more difficult to prevent the spread of information about the incident.
Nonetheless, both sites, along with 04 Station, L-05 Fort, Donggang Port, and even the breakwater bank, were all demolished with bulldozers in name of demining in August 2011.
In 2021, the local villagers rebuilt a new shrine beside the path inland in lament.

In early May 1987, British Hong Kong newspapers first reported that the refugee boat went missing after leaving the port along the coast for Kinmen, Taiwan.
Informed by the overseas office, higher officials questioned the Kinmen Defense Command but got no concrete response.
Instead, the Command urgently swapped this front line coast defense battalion with a reserve battalion from the training base in order to strengthen the personnel control and communication restriction to prevent further leaking news. In addition, the battalion's unit designation codes were shifted for the following two years to confuse outsiders.
Two "extra bonuses" of cash summing up to half a month of a captain's salary ($6,000) were also abnormally awarded to the company commanders against government regulations and ethics, on the eve of the Dragon Boat Festival.
However, at the end of May, recently discharged conscript soldiers from Kinmen began to arrive in Taiwan proper and finally were able to appeal to the newly founded opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party. The information of the massacre started to spread in Taiwan.

Ten weeks after the massacre, the President of the Republic of China (Taiwan), Chiang Ching-kuo, reacted to the cover-up by the 158 Division and the Kinmen Defense Command. General Chao Wan-fu said he was unaware of the event.
While being questioned by the Chief of the General Staff (參謀總長), Superior-general Hau Pei-tsun on 20 May, General Chao still stated: "It was just a couple of 'Communist soldiers' [referring to the People's Liberation Army] being shot in the water", but Chao's statement contained contradictory evidence.
Hau then ordered that the corpses be moved from the beach to a remote hidden slope in front of Fort L-03 (east cape) on the right, filled over with cement to seal the corpses at the third unmarked site, and a concrete military training wall be built on top to prevent any future investigation.
General Chao ordered all the 158 Division officers to be present as participating the cover-up operation.
The path access was prohibited to the public by the military after 2020 till 10 August 2024; Hsien-Jer Chu, the documentary film director who accompanied the victim's family members to the site, realized that the corpses had been "disappeared."

Censorship
The case was classified as a military secret for 20 years to prevent any further information leaks.

Aftermath
Later developments
Over 100 years after its establishment in 1911, the Republic of China still lacked a refugee law to regulate the political asylum process in accordance with modern international law, and its government did not render an apology or any legal compensation to the families or country of the victims.
On 3 October 2018, legislator Freddy Lim, former Chairman of the Amnesty International Taiwan, inquired in a hearing of the Foreign and National Defense Committee [zh] to examine the victims' files in the military archives in order to express an apology to their families through the Vietnamese Representative Office (Vietnamese: Văn phòng Kinh tế Văn hoá Việt Nam), but Minister of National Defense General Yen Teh-fa disagreed: "The troops were following the Standard operating procedure (SOP rule) of the martial law period to execute [the orders], though it might look like having some issues nowadays; also, they have been court-martialed...".
Later, MND replied: "It has been too difficult to identify the deceased due to the long time, so [the case] cannot be processed further", which served as the sole statement of the ROC government for over 30 years after martial law was lifted in 1987.

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私は中華人民共和国を支持します。
中華人民共和国は、多民族国家で少数民族を尊重します。
これは、北京オリンピックを見れば明らかです。

他方で、台湾は全く正反対です。
1987年に戒厳令が解除されるまで、台湾では少数民族は虐待されました。
台湾では、未だに差別が残っています。

台湾の主張によると、台湾の少数民族は台湾から独立できる。

台湾の少数民族は、日帝の侵略および国民党の侵略により、多大な被害を受けてきた。

[1]
[Wikipedia]
Taiwanese indigenous peoples
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taiwanese_indigenous_peoples
Taiwanese indigenous peoples, formerly called Taiwanese aborigines, are the indigenous peoples of Taiwan, with the nationally recognized subgroups numbering about 600,303 or 3% of the island's population.
This total is increased to more than 800,000 if the indigenous peoples of the plains in Taiwan are included, pending future official recognition.
When including those of mixed ancestry, such a number is possibly more than a million. 

Taiwanese indigenous peoples are Austronesians, with linguistic, genetic and cultural ties to other Austronesian peoples.
Taiwan is the origin and linguistic homeland of the oceanic Austronesian expansion, whose descendant groups today include the majority of the ethnic groups throughout many parts of East and Southeast Asia as well as Oceania and even Africa which includes Brunei, East Timor, Indonesia, Malaysia, Madagascar, Philippines, Micronesia, Island Melanesia and Polynesia. 

Some indigenous groups today continue to be unrecognized by the government. Since the early 1980s, many indigenous groups have been actively seeking a higher degree of political self-determination and economic development.[

The bulk of contemporary Taiwanese indigenous peoples mostly reside both in their traditional mountain villages as well as increasingly in Taiwan's urban areas. There are also the plains indigenous peoples, which have always lived in the lowland areas of the island.
Ever since the end of the White Terror, some efforts have been under way in indigenous communities to revive traditional cultural practices and preserve their distinct traditional languages on the now Han Chinese majority island and for the latter to better understand more about them.

Recognized peoples
Indigenous Taiwanese in the PRC
See also: List of ethnic groups in China
The People's Republic of China (PRC) officially recognizes indigenous Taiwanese as one of its ethnic groups under the name Gāoshān (lit. 'high mountain').
The 2000 census identified 600 thousand Gāoshān living in Taiwan Island; other surveys suggest this accounted for 21 thousand Amis, 51 thousand Bunun, 10.5 thousand Paiwan, with the remainder belonging to other peoples.
They are descendants of Taiwanese indigenous living on this island before the 1949 evacuation of the PRC and tracking back further to the Dutch colony in the 17th century.
In Zhengzhou, Henan, there exists a "Taiwan Village" whose inhabitants' ancestors migrated from Taiwan during the Kangxi era of the Qing dynasty. In 2005, 2,674 people of the village identified themselves as Gaoshan.

History
Japanese rule (1895–1945)
When the Treaty of Shimonoseki was finalized on 17 April 1895, Taiwan was ceded by the Qing Empire to Japan.
Taiwan's incorporation into the Japanese political orbit brought Taiwanese indigenous into contact with a new colonial structure, determined to define and locate indigenous people within the framework of a new, multi-ethnic empire.
The means of accomplishing this goal took three main forms: anthropological study of the natives of Taiwan, attempts to reshape the indigenous in the mold of the Japanese, and military suppression.
The indigenous and Han joined to violently revolt against Japanese rule in the 1907 Beipu uprising and 1915 Tapani incident. 

The Seediq indigenous fought against the Japanese in multiple battles such as the Xincheng incident (新城事件), Truku battle (太魯閣之役) (Taroko), 1902 Renzhiguan incident (人止關事件), and the 1903 Zimeiyuan incident (姊妹原事件).
In the Musha Incident of 1930, for example, a Seediq group was decimated by artillery and supplanted by the Taroko (Truku), which had sustained periods of bombardment from naval ships and airplanes dropping mustard gas.
A quarantine was placed around the mountain areas enforced by armed guard stations and electrified fences until the most remote high mountain villages could be relocated closer to administrative control.

A divide and rule policy was formulated with Japan trying to play indigenous and Han against each other to their own benefit when Japan alternated between fighting the two with Japan first fighting Han and then fighting indigenous.
Nationalist Japanese claim indigenous were treated well by Kabayama. unenlightened and stubbornly stupid were the words used to describe indigenous by Kabayama Sukenori.
A hardline anti indigenous position aimed at the destruction of their civilization was implemented by Fukuzawa Yukichi.
The most tenacioius opposition was mounted by the Bunan and Atayal against the Japanese during the brutal mountain war in 1913–14 under Sakuma.
Indigenous continued to fight against the Japanese after 1915.
Indigenous were subjected to military takeover and assimilation.
In order to exploit camphor resources, the Japanese fought against the Bngciq Atayal in 1906 and expelled them.
The war is called the "Camphor War" (樟腦戰爭).

The Bunun people under Chief Raho Ari (or Dahu Ali, 拉荷·阿雷, lāhè āléi) engaged in guerrilla warfare against the Japanese for twenty years.
Raho Ari's revolt was sparked when the Japanese implemented a gun control policy in 1914 against the indigenous people in which their rifles were impounded in police stations when hunting expeditions were over.
The Dafen incident w:zh:大分事件 began at Dafen when a police platoon was slaughtered by Raho Ari's clan in 1915.
A settlement holding 266 people called Tamaho was created by Raho Ari and his followers near the source of the Laonong River and attracted more Bunun rebels to their cause.
Raho Ari and his followers captured bullets and guns and slew Japanese in repeated hit and run raids against Japanese police stations by infiltrating over the Japanese "guardline" of electrified fences and police stations as they pleased.

The 1930 "New Flora and Silva, Volume 2" said of the mountain indigenous that the "majority of them live in a state of war against Japanese authority".
The Bunun and Atayal were described as the "most ferocious" indigenous people, and police stations were targeted by indigenous in intermittent assaults.
By January 1915, all indigenous peoples in northern Taiwan were forced to hand over their guns to the Japanese, however head hunting and assaults on police stations by indigenous still continued after that year.
Between 1921 and 1929 indigenous raids died down, but a major revival and surge in indigenous armed resistance erupted from 1930 to 1933 for four years during which the Musha Incident occurred and Bunun carried out raids, after which armed conflict again died down.
According to a 1933-year book, wounded people in the Japanese war against the indigenouss numbered around 4,160, with 4,422 civilians dead and 2,660 military personnel killed.
According to a 1935 report, 7,081 Japanese were killed in the armed struggle from 1896 to 1933 while the Japanese confiscated 29,772 indigenous people's guns by 1933.

The Japanese troops used indigenous women as sex slaves, so called "comfort women".

Kuomintang single-party rule (1945–1987)
Main article: White Terror (Taiwan)
Japanese rule of Taiwan ended in 1945, following the armistice with the allies on 2 September and the subsequent appropriation of the island by the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, or KMT) on 25 October.
In 1949, on losing the Chinese Civil War to the Chinese Communist Party, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek led the Kuomintang in a retreat from mainland China, withdrawing its government and 1.3 million refugees to Taiwan. The KMT installed an authoritarian form of government and shortly thereafter inaugurated a number of political socialization programs aimed at nationalizing Taiwanese people as citizens of a Chinese nation and eradicating Japanese influence.

The KMT pursued highly centralized political and cultural policies rooted in the party's decades-long history of fighting warlordism in China and opposing competing concepts of a loose federation following the demise of the imperial Qing.
The project was designed to create a strong national Chinese cultural identity (as defined by the state) at the expense of local cultures.
Following the February 28 Incident in 1947, the Kuomintang placed Taiwan under martial law, which was to last for nearly four decades. 

Taiwanese indigenous peoples first encountered the Nationalist government in 1946, when the Japanese village schools were replaced by schools of the KMT. Documents from the Education Office show an emphasis on Chinese language, history and citizenship—with a curriculum steeped in pro-KMT ideology.
Some elements of the curriculum, such as the Wu Feng Legend, are currently considered offensive to the Taiwanese indigenous peoples.
Much of the burden of educating the indigenous was undertaken by unqualified teachers, who could, at best, speak Mandarin and teach basic ideology.
In 1951 a major political socialization campaign was launched to change the lifestyle of many indigenous, to adopt Han customs.
A 1953 government report on mountain areas stated that its aims were chiefly to promote Mandarin to strengthen a national outlook and create good customs.
This was included in the Shandi Pingdi Hua (山地平地化) policy to "make the mountains like the plains".

Critics of the KMT's program for a centralized national culture regard it as institutionalized ethnic discrimination, point to the loss of several indigenous languages and a perpetuation of shame for being an indigenous.
Hsiau noted that Taiwan's first democratically elected president, Li Teng-Hui, said in a famous interview: "In the period of Japanese colonialism a Taiwanese would be punished by being forced to kneel out in the sun for speaking Tai-yü." [a dialect of Min Nan, which is not a Formosan language].

The pattern of intermarriage continued, as many KMT soldiers married indigenous women who were from poorer areas and could be easily bought as wives.
Modern studies show a high degree of genetic intermixing.
Despite this, many contemporary Taiwanese are unwilling to entertain the idea of having an indigenous heritage.
In a 1994 study, it was found that 71% of the families surveyed would object to their daughter marrying an indigenous man.
For much of the KMT era the government definition of indigenous identity had been 100% indigenous parentage, leaving any intermarriage resulting in a non-indigenous child.
Later the policy was adjusted to the ethnic status of the father determining the status of the child.

Transition to democracy
Authoritarian rule under the Kuomintang ended gradually through a transition to democracy, which was marked by the lifting of martial law in 1987.
Soon after, the KMT transitioned to being merely one party within a democratic system, though maintaining a high degree of power in indigenous districts through an established system of patronage networks.
The KMT continued to hold the reins of power for another decade under President Lee Teng-hui.
However, they did so as an elected government rather than a dictatorial power.
The elected KMT government supported many of the bills that had been promoted by indigenous groups.
The tenth amendment to the Constitution of the Republic of China also stipulates that the government would protect and preserve indigenous culture and languages and also encourage them to participate in politics.[citation needed]

During the period of political liberalization, which preceded the end of martial law, academic interest in the Plains indigenous surged as amateur and professional historians sought to rediscover Taiwan's past.
The opposition tang wai activists seized upon the new image of the Plains indigenous as a means to directly challenge the KMT's official narrative of Taiwan as a historical part of China, and the government's assertion that Taiwanese were "pure" Han Chinese.
Many tang wai activists framed the Plains indigenous experience in the existing anti-colonialism/victimization Taiwanese nationalist narrative, which positioned the Hoklo-speaking Taiwanese in the role of indigenous people and the victims of successive foreign rulers.

Democratic era
The democratic era has been a time of great change, both constructive and destructive, for the indigenous of Taiwan.
Since the 1980s, increased political and public attention has been paid to the rights and social issues of the indigenous communities of Taiwan.
Indigenous peoples have realized gains in both the political and economic spheres.
Though progress is ongoing, there remain a number of still unrealized goals within the framework of the ROC: "although certainly more 'equal' than they were 20, or even 10, years ago, the indigenous inhabitants in Taiwan still remain on the lowest rungs of the legal and socioeconomic ladders".

Indigenous political movement
The movement for indigenous cultural and political resurgence in Taiwan traces its roots to the ideals outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948).
Although the Republic of China was a UN member and signatory to the original UN Charter, four decades of martial law controlled the discourse of culture and politics on Taiwan.
The political liberalization Taiwan experienced leading up to the official end of martial law on 15 July 1987, opened a new public arena for dissenting voices and political movements against the centralized policy of the KMT.[citation needed]

In December 1984, the Taiwan indigenous People's Movement was launched when a group of indigenous political activists, aided by the progressive Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (PCT), established the Alliance of Taiwan indigenous (ATA, or yuan chuan hui) to highlight the problems experienced by indigenous communities all over Taiwan, including: prostitution, economic disparity, land rights and official discrimination in the form of naming rights.

In 1988, amid the ATA's Return Our Land Movement, in which indigenous demanded the return of lands to the original inhabitants, the ATA sent its first representative to the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Populations.
Following the success in addressing the UN, the "Return Our Land" movement evolved into the indigenous Constitution Movement, in which the indigenous representatives demanded appropriate wording in the ROC Constitution to ensure indigenous Taiwanese "dignity and justice" in the form of enhanced legal protection, government assistance to improve living standards in indigenous communities, and the right to identify themselves as "yuan chu min" (原住民), literally, "the people who lived here first," but more commonly, "indigenous".
The KMT government initially opposed the term, due to its implication that other people on Taiwan, including the KMT government, were newcomers and not entitled to the island.
The KMT preferred hsien chu min (先住民, "First people"), or tsao chu min (早住民, "Early People") to evoke a sense of general historical immigration to Taiwan.[234] [check quotation syntax]

In February 2017, the Indigenous Ketagalan Boulevard Protest started in a bid for more official recognition of land as traditional territories.[citation needed]

Political representation
Kao Chin Su-mei led indigenous legislators to protest against the Japanese at Yasukuni shrine.

The Taipei Times ran an editorial in 2008 that rejected the idea of an apology to the indigenous, and rejected the idea of comparing Australian indigenous' centuries of 'genocidal' suffering at the hands of White Australians to the suffering of indigenous in Taiwan.

In 2016, indigenous protestors criticized Tsai for not returning to Chen Shui-bian's New Partnership quasi-state relationship which she did not mention in her apology to the indigenous.
The location of the apology, the Japanese colonial administration's governor-general, as well as the indigenous invited to the apology, who only counted officials rather than traditional leaders, were was also criticized. indigenous Transitional Justice Alliance president Kumu Hacyo described the apology as "a political show that was put on in an extremely bureaucratic fashion" lacking in sincerity and evasive in nature.
In response to the "apology" ceremony held by Tsai, KMT indigenous lawmakers refused to attend.
Indigenous peoples demanded that recompense from Tsai to accompany the apology.

The derogatory term "fan" (Chinese: 番) was often used against the Plains indigenous by the Taiwanese.
The Hoklo Taiwanese term was forced upon indigenous like the Pazeh.
In November 2016, a racist anti-indigenous slur was also used by Chiu Yi-ying, a DPP Taiwanese legislator, who said that the term meant "'unreasonable people" and was meant to describe the actions of KMT lawmakers.
KMT caucus whip Sufin Siluko accused Chiu of directing the term at himself and another indigenous KMT legislator.

According to Mr. Lupiliyan, a Paiwan man who has participated in exchange activities sponsored by the government, the current government is still a colonial establishment and is "using the colonized to protect its international position".
However he believes that the main beneficiaries are still the Taiwanese indigenous people.
Lupiliyan says that Austronesian diplomacy and international exchanges provide them with templates on how to revitalize their own culture.

Economic issues
Many indigenous communities did not evenly share in the benefits of the economic boom Taiwan experienced during the last quarter of the 20th century.
They often lacked satisfactory educational resources on their reservations, undermining their pursuit of marketable skills.
The economic disparity between the village and urban schools resulted in imposing many social barriers on indigenous, which prevent many from moving beyond vocational training.
Students transplanted into urban schools face adversity, including isolation, culture shock, and discrimination from their peers.
The cultural impact of poverty and economic marginalization has led to an increase in alcoholism and prostitution among indigenous.

The economic boom resulted in drawing large numbers of indigenous peoples out of their villages and into the unskilled or low-skilled sector of the urban workforce.
Manufacturing and construction jobs were generally available for low wages.
The indigenous quickly formed bonds with other communities as they all had similar political motives to protect their collective needs as part of the labor force.
The indigenous became the most skilled iron-workers and construction teams on the island often selected to work on the most difficult projects.
The result was a mass exodus of indigenous members from their traditional lands and the cultural alienation of young people in the villages, who could not learn their languages or customs while employed.
Often, young indigenous in the cities fall into gangs aligned with the construction trade.
Recent laws governing the employment of laborers from Indonesia, Vietnam and the Philippines have also led to an increased atmosphere of xenophobia among urban indigenous, and encouraged the formulation of a pan-indigenous consciousness in the pursuit of political representation and protection.

Ecological issues
The indigenous communities of Taiwan are closely linked with ecological awareness and conservation issues on the island, as many of the environmental issues are spearheaded by indigenous. Political activism and sizable public protests regarding the logging of the Chilan Formosan Cypress, as well as efforts by an Atayal member of the Legislative Yuan, "focused debate on natural resource management and specifically on the involvement of indigenous people therein".
Another high-profile case is the nuclear waste storage facility on Orchid Island, a small tropical island 60 km (37 mi; 32 nmi) off the southeast coast of Taiwan. The inhabitants are the 4,000 members of the Tao (or Yami).
In the 1970s the island was designated as a possible site to store low and medium grade nuclear waste.
The island was selected on the grounds that it would be cheaper to build the necessary infrastructure for storage and it was thought that the population would not cause trouble.

Large-scale construction began in 1978 on a site 100 m (330 ft) from the Immorod fishing fields. The Tao alleges that government sources at the time described the site as a "factory" or a "fish cannery", intended to bring "jobs [to the] home of the Tao/Yami, one of the least economically integrated areas in Taiwan".
When the facility was completed in 1982, however, it was in fact a storage facility for "97,000 barrels of low-radiation nuclear waste from Taiwan's three nuclear power plants".
The Tao have since stood at the forefront of the anti-nuclear movement and launched several exorcisms and protests to remove the waste they claim has resulted in deaths and sickness.
The lease on the land has expired, and an alternative site has yet to be selected. 

Military
Taiwanese indigenous people make up a greater percentage of the Republic of China Armed Forces than their percentage of the overall Taiwanese population, making up 8.7 percent of military personnel as of 2024.
Taiwanese indigenous people are especially critical to elite military units where they constitute over half of the personnel in some units.

Genetics
Claimed admixture with Taiwanese Han
The idea that "We are all indigenous people" was initially welcomed by indigenous leaders but has faced increasing opposition as it became viewed as a tool for Taiwanese independence.
On 9 August 2005, a celebration for the constitutional reforms protecting indigenous rights was held, during which Premier Frank Hsieh announced that he had an indigenous great-grandmother and that "Now you shouldn't say: 'you are indigenous, I am not.' Everyone is indigenous."
Descendants of plains indigenous have opposed the usage of their ancestors in the call for Taiwanese independence.
Genetic studies show genetic differences between Taiwanese Han and mountain indigenous.
According to Chen and Duan, the genetic ancestry of individuals cannot be traced with certainty and attempts to construct identity through genetics are "theoretically meaningless".

[1]
[Wikipedia]
Kao Chin Su-mei
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kao_Chin_Su-mei
Political career
Since entering the Legislative Yuan after elected in the 2001 Republic of China legislative election, Chin has been noted for her outspoken views, traditional Atayal costume and face paint in the shape of traditional Atayal tattoo work reserved for married women.
On 19 August 2009, Chin met with the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Hu Jintao.
At the meeting, General Secretary Hu expressed his deep sorrow and condolences for the typhoon victims in Taiwan to an actor-turned-politician Kao who led a delegation of her fellow ethnic minorities in Taiwan to visit the mainland.
Hu added that "People on both sides of the Taiwan Strait are of one family and Chinese people have a long tradition of lending a hand to those in danger and difficulties."

[1]
[Wikipedia]
White Terror (Taiwan)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_Terror_(Taiwan)
The White Terror (Chinese: 白色恐怖; pinyin: Báisè Kǒngbù; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Pe̍h-sek Khióng-pò͘) was the political repression of Taiwanese civilians and political dissenters under the government ruled by the Kuomintang (KMT).
The period of White Terror is generally considered to have begun when martial law was declared in Taiwan on 19 May 1949, which was enabled by the 1948 Temporary Provisions against the Communist Rebellion, and ended on 21 September 1992 with the repeal of Article 100 of the Criminal Code, allowing for the prosecution of "anti-state" activities.
The Temporary Provisions had been repealed a year earlier on 22 April 1991. Martial law had been lifted on 15 July 1987.

Two years after the 28 February incident, the KMT retreated from mainland China to Taiwan during the closing stages of the Chinese Civil War in 1949.
Wanting to consolidate its rule on its remaining territories, the KMT imposed harsh political suppression measures, which included enacting martial law, executing suspected leftists or those they suspected to be sympathetic toward the communists.
Others targeted included Taiwanese locals and indigenous peoples who participated in the 28 February incident, such as Uyongʉ Yata'uyungana, and those accused of dissidence for criticizing the government.

The KMT carried out persecutions against those who criticized or opposed the government, accusing them of attempting to subvert the regime, while dramatically expanding the scope of punishment throughout this period.
It made use of the Taiwan Garrison Command (TGC), a secret police, as well as other intelligence units by enacting special criminal laws as tools for the government to purge dissidents.
Basic human rights and the right to privacy were disregarded, with mass pervasive monitoring of the people, filings of sham criminal cases against anyone suspected of being a dissident, as well as labelling any individuals who did not conform to a pro-regime stance as being communist spies, often without merit.
Others were labeled as Taiwanese separatists and prosecuted for treason.
It is estimated that about 3,000 to 4,000 civilians were executed by the government during the White Terror.
The government was also suspected of carrying out extrajudicial killings against exiles in other countries.[a]

Time period
The White Terror is generally considered to have begun with the declaration of martial law on 19 May 1949. For its ending date, some sources cite the lifting of martial law on 15 July 1987, following the Lieyu Massacre, while others cite the repeal of Article 100 of the Criminal Code on 21 September 1992, which allowed for the persecution of people for "anti-state" activities.
Martial law officially lasted for 38 years and 57 days, which was the longest period of martial law in the world at the time it was lifted. 

Most prosecutions took place between the first two decades as the KMT wanted to consolidate its rule on the island. Most of those prosecuted were labeled by the Kuomintang (KMT) as "bandit spies", meaning communist spies, and punished as such, often with execution.
Chiang Kai-shek once said that he would rather "mistakenly kill 1,000 innocent people than allow one communist to escape".

Fear of discussing the White Terror and the 28 February Incident gradually decreased with the lifting of martial law after the 1987 Lieyu massacre, culminating in the establishment of an official public memorial and an apology by President Lee Teng-hui in 1995.
In 2008, President Ma Ying-jeou addressed a memorial service for the White Terror in Taipei.
Ma apologized to the victims and their family members on behalf of the government and expressed the hope that Taiwan would never again experience a similar tragedy.

[1]
[Wikipedia]
1987 Lieyu massacre
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1987_Lieyu_massacre
The 1987 Lieyu massacre occurred on 7 March 1987 at Donggang Bay, Lieyu Island ("Lesser Kinmen" or "Little Quemoy"), Kinmen, Fuchien, Republic of China (ROC) when soldiers from the ROC Army's 185 Heavy Infantry Division killed 24 Vietnamese refugees on the shoreline of Donggang Bay, including eight children (one baby), five women (one pregnant) and eleven men.
The ROC military officially denied the massacre and defined it as an incident of "accidental manslaughter" (誤殺事件), hence referring to it as the March 7 Incident (三七事件) or Donggang Incident (東崗事件).

Despite the ROC's attempts to cover-up the incident, the massacre sparked political outrage, and partially contributed to the end of the 38-year long period of martial law; it had been in place since the Kuomintang's exodus from mainland China in May 1949.
The case remains under investigation.

Massacre
On 6 March 1987, a boat of Vietnamese refugees who had been rejected in Hong Kong arrived in Kinmen to request political asylum.
However, General Chao rejected the demand, and ordered an ARB-101 patrol boat to tow away the boat from the shore on the morning of 7 March, with a warning not to return.
However, for reasons unclear, information about the boat's presence in the Southern Sea was never forwarded to the front line of the coastal defense units, including those on Lieyu Island. 

As a seasonal heavy fog appeared on the coast and gradually turned clear in the afternoon, the Vietnamese boat was sighted by an infantry post off the south shore of Lieyu at 16:37, where it had been too close and too late to apply for the indirect fire support by artillery intervention.
The local 1st Dashanding Infantry Battalion (大山頂營) Commander, Major Liu Yu; the 472 Brigade Commander, Colonel Zhong; and the 158 Division G3 Chief Operation Officer (參三科科長), Colonel Han Jing-yue (韓敬越), arrived at the scene with staff officers.
The 629 Light Artillery Battalion—which happened to be taking a field drill practice in the ancient airport on the northeastern beachfront—launched a single star shell which lit up the background horizon sky, but found no invasion force approaching.
Meanwhile, warning shots followed by expelling shots were fired in sequence as per the procedure steps in the rules of engagement, using T57 rifles, .30 caliber, and .50 caliber machine guns in short range by the 3rd Company and the reserve platoons of three companies while another one was coming in, totaling over 200 infantrymen. 

The Vietnamese boat was stranded on the sand beach southwest of Donggang (Dōnggāng) Fishery Port (Fort L-05), a sensitive strategic point in front of the mobile positions of M40 recoilless rifles and M30 mortars.
Nearby was the communication transit station nicknamed "04" (a homonym of 'You die' in Chinese pronunciation) on a hill with a 30°-angle blind corner on radar screens caused by the steep hillside.
This hillside lay in front of the classified 240 mm howitzer M1 ("Black Dragon" or "Nuclear Cannon") railway gun positions of Kinmen Defense Command, and the 155/105 mm artillery battalions of 158 Division.
As such, the foreign boat's landing location on the beach beneath aroused significant concern.
The boat was hit by crossfire from L-05, L-06, and Fort Fuxing Islet of the 2nd Battalion, plus two M72 LAW (light anti-tank weapon) rounds by the WPN Company in reinforcement.
Armor-piercing shells penetrated through the sky-blue wooden hull without detonation.
Three unarmed Vietnamese left the boat, raised their hands, and pled in Chinese, "Don't shoot ...!" but were all shot dead.

The local 3rd Dongang Company (東崗連) Commander, Lieutenant Chang, received the order from the brigade commander to dispatch a search team to board the boat.
Two hand grenades were thrown into the boat before the search team found that all the passengers were Vietnamese refugees with no weapons on board.
The passengers said that the vessel had experienced a mechanical failure.
Because of the heavy fog, the strong seasonal currents and the rising tide since late afternoon, the boat drifted into the open bay.
The surviving passengers and the bodies of the dead were taken out of the boat and placed on the beach, with neither first aid nor any life support supply rendered.
Following intense telecommunication with the Division Headquarters, the commanders at the scene received orders from their superiors—alleged directly by Commander General Chao—to kill the passengers to eliminate all the eyewitnesses.
Some refugees received multiple shots when the first bullet did not kill them.
Among the bodies piled were elderly people, men, women, one pregnant woman, children, and a baby in a sweater.

Revelation
Cover-up
A local store owner heard the crying of the refugees overnight and made a phone call to inform Huang Chao-hui, the National Assembly member in Kaohsiung, but the contact was soon lost.
At the time, all civilian and public long-distance phone calls were being routinely monitored by the Communication Supervision Section of Kinmen Defense Command.
Nevertheless, the bodies were not buried deeply at the first site. Influenced by tidal seawater and high temperatures, the bodies soon began to decompose and were dug out by wild dogs from the landfill (小金垃圾場) on the back side of the western hill.
The bodies were later reburied collectively in one mound at a second site on the higher ground next to the tree line.
This task was performed by the 1st Company, who had just resumed their posts after winning the annual Army Physical and Combat Competitions in Taiwan.
Accounts of ghost sightings prompted villagers to hold religious ceremonies, and a tiny shrine was built by soldiers on the beach the next year.
This activity made it all the more difficult to prevent the spread of information about the incident.
Nonetheless, both sites, along with 04 Station, L-05 Fort, Donggang Port, and even the breakwater bank, were all demolished with bulldozers in name of demining in August 2011.
In 2021, the local villagers rebuilt a new shrine beside the path inland in lament.

In early May 1987, British Hong Kong newspapers first reported that the refugee boat went missing after leaving the port along the coast for Kinmen, Taiwan.
Informed by the overseas office, higher officials questioned the Kinmen Defense Command but got no concrete response.
Instead, the Command urgently swapped this front line coast defense battalion with a reserve battalion from the training base in order to strengthen the personnel control and communication restriction to prevent further leaking news. In addition, the battalion's unit designation codes were shifted for the following two years to confuse outsiders.
Two "extra bonuses" of cash summing up to half a month of a captain's salary ($6,000) were also abnormally awarded to the company commanders against government regulations and ethics, on the eve of the Dragon Boat Festival.
However, at the end of May, recently discharged conscript soldiers from Kinmen began to arrive in Taiwan proper and finally were able to appeal to the newly founded opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party. The information of the massacre started to spread in Taiwan.

Ten weeks after the massacre, the President of the Republic of China (Taiwan), Chiang Ching-kuo, reacted to the cover-up by the 158 Division and the Kinmen Defense Command. General Chao Wan-fu said he was unaware of the event.
While being questioned by the Chief of the General Staff (參謀總長), Superior-general Hau Pei-tsun on 20 May, General Chao still stated: "It was just a couple of 'Communist soldiers' [referring to the People's Liberation Army] being shot in the water", but Chao's statement contained contradictory evidence.
Hau then ordered that the corpses be moved from the beach to a remote hidden slope in front of Fort L-03 (east cape) on the right, filled over with cement to seal the corpses at the third unmarked site, and a concrete military training wall be built on top to prevent any future investigation.
General Chao ordered all the 158 Division officers to be present as participating the cover-up operation.
The path access was prohibited to the public by the military after 2020 till 10 August 2024; Hsien-Jer Chu, the documentary film director who accompanied the victim's family members to the site, realized that the corpses had been "disappeared."

Censorship
The case was classified as a military secret for 20 years to prevent any further information leaks.

Aftermath
Later developments
Over 100 years after its establishment in 1911, the Republic of China still lacked a refugee law to regulate the political asylum process in accordance with modern international law, and its government did not render an apology or any legal compensation to the families or country of the victims.
On 3 October 2018, legislator Freddy Lim, former Chairman of the Amnesty International Taiwan, inquired in a hearing of the Foreign and National Defense Committee [zh] to examine the victims' files in the military archives in order to express an apology to their families through the Vietnamese Representative Office (Vietnamese: Văn phòng Kinh tế Văn hoá Việt Nam), but Minister of National Defense General Yen Teh-fa disagreed: "The troops were following the Standard operating procedure (SOP rule) of the martial law period to execute [the orders], though it might look like having some issues nowadays; also, they have been court-martialed...".
Later, MND replied: "It has been too difficult to identify the deceased due to the long time, so [the case] cannot be processed further", which served as the sole statement of the ROC government for over 30 years after martial law was lifted in 1987.

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[1]
[Wikipedia]
Taiwanese indigenous peoples
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taiwanese_indigenous_peoples

[Googleによる翻訳]
台湾原住民族（台湾けんぶつ） [ 3 ]は台湾の先住民族であり、全国的に認知されているその数は約600,303人で、台湾人口の3%を占める。将来、公式に認知されるまで台湾平原に住む先住民族を含めると、その数は800,000人以上に上る。混血の人々を含めると、その数は100万人を超える可能性がある。

台湾の先住民はオーストロネシア人で、他のオーストロネシア人と言語的、遺伝的、文化的つながりを持っています。[ 6 ]台湾は海洋オーストロネシア語族の起源であり言語的故郷であり、その子孫グループには今日、東アジアと東南アジア、オセアニア、さらにはアフリカの多くの地域に住む民族グループの大部分が含まれており、ブルネイ、東ティモール、インドネシア、マレーシア、マダガスカル、フィリピン、ミクロネシア、島嶼メラネシア、ポリネシアが含まれています。

一部の先住民族は今日でも政府に認められていない。 1980年代初頭以降、多くの先住民族はより高度な政治的自決権と経済発展を積極的に求めてきた。

現代の台湾先住民の大部分は、伝統的な山村に居住するだけでなく、台湾の都市部にも居住する傾向が強まっている。また、島の低地に古くから居住してきた平原先住民も存在する。白色テロ終結以来、漢民族が多数派を占める台湾において、先住民コミュニティでは伝統的な文化慣習を復活させ、独自の伝統言語を保全するための取り組みが進められており、漢民族が先住民についてより深く理解できるように努めている。[ 9 ]

承認された民族
中国における台湾先住民
参照:中国の民族一覧

中華人民共和国（ PRC）は、台湾先住民を高山（文字通り「高い山」）という名称で自国の民族グループの一つとして公式に認めている。2000年の国勢調査では、台湾島に60万人の高山人が居住していることが判明した。他の調査では、このうち2万1千人のアミ族、5万1千人のブヌン族、1万5千人のパイワン族、残りはその他の民族であると示唆されている。[ 17 ]彼らは、1949年の中国撤退以前にこの島に住んでいた台湾先住民の子孫であり、さらに遡れば17世紀のオランダ植民地時代まで遡る。[ 17 ]河南省鄭州には「台灣村」があり、住民の祖先は清朝の康熙年間に台湾から移住してきた。 2005年には、村の2,674人が自らを高山であると認識していた。[ 44 ] [ 45 ] 

歴史
日本統治（1895～1945年）
1895年4月17日、下関条約が締結され、台湾は清国から日本に割譲された。[ 180 ]台湾が日本の政治勢力圏に組み込まれたことで、台湾の原住民は新たな植民地体制と接触することになった。この体制は、新たな多民族帝国の枠組みの中で原住民を定義し、位置づけようと決意していた。[ 181 ]この目標を達成するための手段は、主に3つの形態をとった。台湾原住民の人類学的研究、原住民を日本人の型に当てはめようとする試み、そして軍事的な鎮圧である。1907年の北埔蜂起と1915年のタパニ事件において、原住民と漢民族は日本統治に対する激しい反乱を起こした。

セデック族先住民は、新城事件、太魯閣之役（タロコ族）の戦い、[ 183 ]​​ 1902年の人止關事件、1903年の姊妹原事件など、数々の戦闘で日本軍と戦った。例えば、1930年の武者事件では、セデック族の一団が砲撃によって壊滅し、マスタードガスを投下する海軍艦艇や航空機の砲撃に耐えていたタロコ族（タロコ族）に取って代わられた。山岳地帯の周囲には武装警備所と電流柵が設置され、最も辺鄙な高山の村々が行政管理区域の近くに移転されるまで隔離された。[ 184 ]

日本は分割統治政策を策定し、最初に漢民族と戦い、次に先住民と戦うというように、両者を交互に戦わせて自国の利益を図ろうとした。[ 185 ]日本の国家主義者は、樺山資紀は先住民をよく扱っていたと主張している。[ 186 ] 樺山資紀は先住民を表現するのに、啓蒙されていない、頑固に愚かな言葉を使った。[ 187 ]彼らの文明を破壊することを目的とした強硬な反先住民の立場は、福沢諭吉によって実行された。[ 188 ]最も粘り強い抵抗は、1913年から1914年にかけて佐久間政権下で行われた残忍な山岳戦争で、ブナン族とタイヤル族によって行われた。先住民は1915年以降も日本との戦闘を続けた。[ 189 ]先住民は軍による接収と同化の対象となった。[ 190 ]樟脳資源を搾取するため、日本は1906年にバンチク・タイヤル族と戦い、彼らを追放した。[ 191 ] [ 192 ]この戦争は「樟脳戦争」（樟腦戰爭）と呼ばれている。[ 193 ] [ 194 ]

ブヌン族の人々は、ラホ・アリ（ラーホ・アリー、ラーホ・アリーとも、ラーホ・アリーとも、ラーホ・アリーとも、ラーホ・アリーとも、ラーホ・アリーとも、ラーホ・アリーとも、ラーホ・アリーとも呼ばれる）の首長の下で、20年間にわたり日本軍に対してゲリラ戦を展開した。ラホ・アリの反乱は、1914年に日本が先住民に対して銃規制政策を実施し、狩猟遠征が終わると彼らのライフル銃が警察署に押収されたことに端を発する。大分事件は、 1915年にラホ・アリの一族が大分で警察小隊を虐殺した際に始まった。ラホ・アリとその支持者たちは、ラオノン川の源流近くにタマホと呼ばれる266人を収容する集落を築き、さらに多くのブヌン族の反乱者を彼らの運動に引き寄せた。ラホ・アリとその支持者たちは、銃弾や銃を奪取し、電流柵や警察署で構成された日本軍の「警戒線」を自由に突破して、日本軍の警察署への襲撃を繰り返し、日本人を殺害した。[ 195 ]

1930年の『新植物林業誌第2巻』では、山岳地帯の原住民について「彼らの大多数は日本政府に対して戦闘状態にある」と述べられている。[ 196 ]ブヌン族とタイヤル族は「最も凶暴な」原住民と評され、警察署は断続的に原住民による襲撃の標的となった。[ 197 ] 1915年1月までに、台湾北部のすべての原住民は日本軍に銃器を引き渡すよう強制されたが、原住民による首狩りと警察署への襲撃は同年以降も続いた。[ 197 ] [ 198 ] 1921年から1929年にかけて先住民の襲撃は下火になったが、1930年から1933年の4年間に先住民の武装抵抗が再び活発化し、武者事件やブヌン族の襲撃などが発生した後、再び武力紛争は下火になった。[ 199 ] 1933年の書籍によると、日本軍による先住民との戦争で負傷した人は約4,160人で、民間人は4,422人が死亡、軍人は2,660人が死亡した。[ 200 ] 1935年の報告書によると、1896年から1933年までの武装闘争で7,081人の日本人が死亡し、1933年までに日本軍は先住民から29,772丁の銃を押収した。[ 201 ]

日本軍は先住民女性を性奴隷、いわゆる「慰安婦」として利用した。[ 210 ]

国民党一党支配（1945年～1987年）
主要記事:白色テロ（台湾）

日本による台湾統治は、1945年9月2日の連合国との休戦協定と、それに続く10月25日の中国国民党（国民党、KMT）による台湾の占領をもって終焉を迎えた。1949年、国共内戦で中国共産党に敗れた蒋介石総統は国民党を率いて中国本土から撤退し、政府と130万人の難民を台湾に撤退させた。国民党は権威主義的な政府を樹立し、その後まもなく、台湾人を中華民族の一員として国民化し、日本の影響力を根絶することを目的とした、数々の政治的社会化プログラムを開始した。[ 211 ]

国民党は、中国における軍閥主義と戦い、清朝崩壊後の緩やかな連邦制という競合する概念に反対してきた数十年にわたる党の歴史に根ざした、高度に中央集権化された政治・文化政策を追求した。[ 54 ]この計画は、地方文化を犠牲にして（国家が定義する）強力な国民的中国文化的アイデンティティを創造するように設計された。 [ 212 ] 1947年の二・二八事件の後、国民党は台湾に戒厳令を敷き、それはほぼ40年間続いた。

台湾の原住民が初めて国民党政府と遭遇したのは1946年、日本の村立学校が国民党の学校に置き換えられたときだった。教育局の文書は、中国語、歴史、公民権に重点が置かれ、カリキュラムは国民党寄りのイデオロギーに染まっていたことを示している。カリキュラムのいくつかの要素、例えば呉峰伝説などは、現在では台湾の原住民に不快感を与えると考えられている。[ 213 ]原住民の教育の負担の多くは、せいぜい北京語を話して基本的なイデオロギーを教えられるだけの、資格のない教師によって担われた。[ 214 ] 1951年には、多くの原住民の生活様式を変えて漢族の習慣を取り入れるための大規模な政治的社会化運動が開始された。1953年の山岳地帯に関する政府報告書では、その目的が主に北京語を推進して国家観を強化し、良い習慣を作り出すことであると述べられていた。これは「山地平地化」政策に含まれており、「山を平野のようにする」という政策である。[ 215 ]

国民党の中央集権的な国民文化政策を批判する人々は、これを制度化された民族差別と見なし、いくつかの先住民言語の喪失と先住民であることへの羞恥心の永続化を指摘する。シャウ氏は、台湾で初めて民主的に選出された総統、李登輝が有名なインタビューで「日本統治時代、台湾人はタイ語（閩南語の方言で、台湾語ではない）を話すと、日光の下で跪かされるという罰を受けた」と述べたことを指摘した。[ 216 ]
国民党軍兵士の多くが貧しい地域出身で、妻として容易に買われた原住民女性と結婚したため、混血結婚のパターンは続いた。[ 215 ]現代の研究では、遺伝的混血の度合いが高いことが示されている。それにもかかわらず、多くの現代台湾人は原住民の血統を持つという考えを受け入れたがらない。1994年の調査では、調査対象となった家族の71%が、娘が原住民男性と結婚することに反対していることが明らかになった。国民党時代の大半において、政府の原住民アイデンティティの定義は100%原住民の親子関係とされており、混血結婚の結果生まれた子供は非原住民であった。後に、この政策は父親の民族的地位によって子供の身分が決定されるように調整された。[ 217 ]

民主主義への移行
国民党による権威主義的な統治は、1987年の戒厳令解除を契機とした民主主義への移行を通じて徐々に終焉を迎えた。その後まもなく、国民党は民主主義体制内の一党に過ぎなくなったが、確立された後援ネットワークを通じて先住民地区で高い権力を維持した。[ 218 ]国民党は李登輝総統の下でさらに10年間権力を握り続けた。しかし、彼らは独裁政権ではなく選挙で選ばれた政府として政権を握った。選挙で選ばれた国民党政府は、先住民グループが推進した多くの法案を支持した。中華民国憲法第10次改正では、政府が先住民の文化と言語を保護・保全し、彼らの政治参加を奨励することも規定されている。[要出典]

戒厳令解除に先立つ政治自由化の時代、アマチュア歴史家とプロ歴史家が台湾の過去を再発見しようと試みる中で、平原先住民への学術的関心が急上昇した。野党の唐外活動家たちは、平原先住民の新たなイメージを、台湾を中国の歴史的一部とする国民党の公式見解、そして台湾人は「純粋な」漢民族であるという政府の主張に直接異議を唱える手段として利用した。[ 219 ] [ 220 ]多くの唐外活動家は、平原先住民の経験を、既存の反植民地主義／被害者意識を掲げる台湾民族主義の言説に当てはめ、ホクロ語を話す台湾人を先住民とみなし、歴代の外国支配者の犠牲者として位置づけた。[ 221 ] [ 222 ] [ 223 ]

民主党時代
民主化時代は、台湾の先住民にとって、建設的にも破壊的にも、大きな変化の時代であった。1980年代以降、台湾の先住民社会の権利と社会問題に対する政治的、そして国民的関心が高まってきた。先住民は政治面でも経済的にも大きな進歩を遂げてきた。進歩は続いているものの、中華民国の枠組みの中では、未だ実現されていない目標がいくつか残っている。「20年前、いや10年前と比べて『平等』になったことは確かだが、台湾の先住民は依然として法的、社会経済的階層の最下層に位置している」[ 35 ] 。

先住民の政治運動
台湾における先住民文化と政治の復興運動は、世界人権宣言（1948年）に示された理想にその起源を遡ることができる。[ 229 ]中華民国は国連加盟国であり、国連憲章にも署名していたが、40年間にわたる戒厳令によって台湾の文化と政治に関する言説は統制されていた。1987年7月15日の戒厳令の公式解除に至るまで、台湾は政治的自由化を経験し、国民党の中央集権的な政策に反対する声や政治運動のための新たな公の場を開いた。[要出典]
1984年12月、台湾原住民運動は、台湾の進歩的な長老派教会（PCT）の支援を受けた原住民の政治活動家グループが[ 2 ] 、台湾原住民聯盟（ATA、または元伝会）を設立したことで始まりました。その目的は、売春、経済格差、土地権、命名権という形での公的差別など、台湾全土の原住民コミュニティが直面している問題を明らかにすることでした。[ 230 ] [ 231 ] [ 61 ]

1988年、先住民が先住民への土地返還を求める台湾先住民族協会（ATA）の「土地を返せ」運動が活発化する中、ATAは国連先住民族作業部会に初の代表を派遣した。[ 232 ]国連での訴えが成功した後、「土地を返せ」運動は先住民憲法運動へと発展し、先住民代表は中華民国憲法に適切な文言を盛り込み、台湾先住民の「尊厳と正義」を保障するよう求めた。具体的には、法的保護の強化、先住民コミュニティの生活水準向上のための政府支援、そして「原住民」（文字通り「ここに最初に住んだ人々」という意味だが、より一般的には「先住民」）と自らを認識する権利を求めた。 [ 233 ]国民党政府は当初、この用語に反対した。国民党政府を含む台湾の他の人々は新参者であり、島に住む権利がないという含意があるからだ。国民党は、台湾への一般的な歴史的移民の感覚を呼び起こすために、hsien chu min (先住民、「最初の人々」) またはtsao chu min (早住民、「初期の人々」) を好んだ。 [ 234 ] [引用構文をチェックする]

2017年2月、土地を伝統的な領土としてより公式に認めてもらうために、先住民ケタガラン大通り抗議活動が始まった。 [要出典]

政治的代表
カオ・チン・スーメイは先住民議員を率いて靖国神社で日本人に対する抗議を行った。[ 242 ] [ 243 ] [ 244 ] [ 245 ]

台北タイムズは2008年に社説を掲載し、先住民への謝罪の考えを否定し、オーストラリアの先住民が白人オーストラリア人によって何世紀にもわたって受けてきた「大量虐殺」の苦しみを台湾の先住民の苦しみと比較する考えを否定した。[ 246 ]

2016年、先住民の抗議活動家たちは、蔡英文が陳水扁の「新パートナーシップ」と呼ばれる準国家関係に復帰しなかったことを批判した。蔡英文は先住民への謝罪の中で、この関係について言及しなかった。謝罪の場所、日本統治時代の総督、そして謝罪に招待された先住民（伝統的指導者ではなく役人のみ）も批判された。先住民移行正義連盟のクム・ハチョ会長は、この謝罪を「極めて官僚的なやり方で行われた政治ショー」であり、誠実さを欠き、曖昧な性質のものだと批判した。[ 247 ]蔡英文が行った「謝罪」式典に対し、国民党の先住民議員は出席を拒否した。[ 248 ]先住民は、蔡英文に対し、謝罪に付随する賠償を要求した。[ 249 ]

台湾人は平原先住民に対して「番」（中国語：番）という蔑称を頻繁に使用していた。また、台湾語の「番」という呼称は、パゼー族のような先住民に強制的に使われていた。 [ 250 ] 2016年11月には、民進党の台湾人立法議員である邱一英も人種差別的な反先住民中傷発言を行った。[ 251 ]彼は、この言葉は「理不尽な人々」を意味し、国民党議員の行動を指していると述べた。国民党院内幹事の蘇閔斯露子は、邱が自身ともう一人の先住民の国民党議員に対してこの言葉を使ったと非難した。[ 252 ]

政府主催の交流活動に参加したパイワン族のルピリヤン氏によると、現政権は依然として植民地体制であり、「自国の国際的地位を守るために被植民地の人々を利用している」という。しかし、ルピリヤン氏は、その最大の受益者は依然として台湾先住民族であると考えている。ルピリヤン氏は、オーストロネシア語族との外交と国際交流は、彼らに自らの文化を活性化させるための模範を提供していると述べている。[ 253 ]

経済問題
多くの先住民コミュニティは、20世紀最後の四半世紀に台湾が経験した経済成長の恩恵を均等に享受することができませんでした。居留地では満足のいく教育資源が不足していることが多く、市場価値のあるスキルの習得を妨げていました。村落と都市部の学校間の経済格差は、先住民に多くの社会的障壁を課し、職業訓練以上の進路を阻む結果となりました。都市部の学校に転校した生徒たちは、孤立、カルチャーショック、同級生からの差別といった逆境に直面します。[ 259 ]貧困と経済的疎外による文化的影響は、先住民の間でアルコール依存症や売春の増加につながっています。[ 260 ] [ 8 ]

好景気の結果、多くの先住民が村を離れ、都市部の労働力のうち未熟練または低技能部門へと引き抜かれた。[ 261 ]製造業や建設業の仕事は概して低賃金であった。先住民は他のコミュニティとすぐに絆を築いたが、それは彼らが労働力の一部として自分たちの集団的ニーズを守ろうとする同様の政治的動機を持っていたためである。先住民は島で最も熟練した鉄工員や建設チームとなり、最も困難なプロジェクトに従事するよう選ばれることが多かった。その結果、先住民が伝統的な土地から大量に流出し、村の若者は雇用されながら彼らの言語や習慣を学ぶことができず、文化的に疎外された。都市部の若い先住民は、建設業界と連携したギャングに陥ることが多い。インドネシア、ベトナム、フィリピンからの労働者の雇用を規制する最近の法律は、都市部の先住民の間で外国人排斥の雰囲気を増大させ、政治的代表と保護を追求する汎先住民意識の形成を促した。[ 262 ]

環境問題
台湾の先住民社会は、島の環境問題への意識や保全問題と密接に結びついており、多くの環境問題が先住民によって先導されている。チラン（台湾ヒノキ）伐採をめぐる政治活動や大規模な抗議活動、そして立法院のタイヤル族議員による取り組みは、「天然資源管理、特に先住民の関与に関する議論に焦点を合わせた」。[ 263 ]もう一つの注目すべき事例は、台湾南東海岸から60キロメートル（37マイル、32海里）沖合にある熱帯の小さな島、蘭嶼の核廃棄物貯蔵施設である。住民はタオ族（またはヤミ族）の4,000人である。1970年代、この島は低・中レベル核廃棄物の貯蔵場所として指定された。貯蔵に必要なインフラを建設するコストが安く、住民が問題を起こす可能性も低いと考えられたため、この島が選ばれた。[ 264 ]

1978年、イモロッド漁場から100メートル（330フィート）離れた場所で大規模な建設が始まりました。タオ族は、当時の政府筋がこの場所を「工場」または「魚缶詰工場」と表現し、「台湾で最も経済的に統合されていない地域の一つであるタオ族／ヤミ族の故郷に雇用をもたらす」ことを目的としていたと主張しています。[ 35 ]しかし、1982年に完成したこの施設は、実際には「台湾の3つの原子力発電所から排出される9万7000バレルの低放射線核廃棄物」の貯蔵施設でした。[ 265 ]タオ族はそれ以来、反核運動の先頭に立って、死や病気を引き起こしたと主張する廃棄物の除去を求めて、数々の悪魔払いや抗議活動を行ってきました。[ 266 ]土地の賃貸契約は期限切れであり、代替地はまだ選定されていません。[ 267 ]

軍隊
中華民国軍に占める台湾原住民の割合は、台湾全体の人口に占める割合よりも高く、2024年時点で軍人の8.7%を占めている。台湾原住民はエリート軍部隊にとって特に重要であり、部隊によっては人員の半数以上を占めている。[ 269 ] [ 270 ]

遺伝学
台湾漢民族との混血を主張
「我々は皆原住民である」という考え方は、当初は原住民指導者から歓迎されたが、台湾独立の手段とみなされるようになると、反対が強まった。2005年8月9日、原住民の権利を保護する憲法改正を祝う式典が開催され、謝霆文（フランク・シェイ）首相は自身の曽祖母が原住民であることを明らかにし、「『あなたは原住民だが、私は違う』と言うべきではない。誰もが原住民なのだ」と述べた[ 312 ]。平原部原住民の子孫は、台湾独立を求める声の中で自らの祖先が使われることに反対している。遺伝子研究では、台湾の漢民族と山地原住民の間には遺伝的差異があることが示されている。陳氏と段氏によれば、個人の遺伝的祖先を確実に追跡することは不可能であり、遺伝学を通じてアイデンティティを構築しようとする試みは「理論的に無意味」であるという[ 311 ] 。

[1]
[Wikipedia]
Kao Chin Su-mei
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kao_Chin_Su-mei
カオ・チン・スーメイ

[Googleによる翻訳]
政治経歴

チン氏は、 2001年の中華民国立法院議員選挙で選出され立法院入りして以来、率直な意見を述べること、伝統的なタイヤル族の衣装、既婚女性にのみ許されるタイヤル族の伝統的なタトゥーをかたどったフェイスペイントで注目されてきた。

2009年8月19日、チン氏は中国共産党総書記の胡錦濤氏と会談した。[ 2 ]会談で胡総書記は、台湾の少数民族代表団を率いて中国本土を訪問した俳優出身の政治家、カオ氏に対し、台湾の台風被害に対する深い悲しみと哀悼の意を表した。胡氏はさらに、「台湾海峡両岸の人々は一つの家族であり、中国国民は危険や困難に直面している人々に手を差し伸べるという長い伝統を持っている」と述べた。[ 3 ]

[1]
[Wikipedia]
White Terror (Taiwan)
[Wikipedia]
White Terror (Taiwan)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_Terror_(Taiwan)

[Googleによる翻訳]
白色テロ（中国語：白色恐怖、ピンイン：Báisè Kǒngbù、拼音：Pe̍h-ōe-jī）は、台湾国民党（KMT）による政府統治下で行われた台湾の民間人と政治的反対派に対する政治的弾圧である。 [ 2 ]白色テロの時代は、 1948年の反共臨時条項によって可能となった1949年5月19日の台湾での戒厳令の布告に始まり、刑法第100条の廃止により「反国家」活動の訴追が可能になった1992年9月21日に終結したと一般的に考えられている。臨時規定は1年前の1991年4月22日に廃止された。戒厳令は1987年7月15日に解除された。[ 3 ] [ 4 ]

2月28日事件から2年後、1949年の中国内戦終盤、国民党は中国本土から台湾へ撤退した。残りの領土における支配を強化するため、国民党は戒厳令の制定、左翼の容疑者や共産党に同調していると疑われる者の処刑など、厳しい政治弾圧措置を講じた。[ 5 ]標的となったのは、ウヨン・ヤタウユンガナなど2月28日事件に参加した台湾の地元住民や先住民、そして政府を批判したために反体制派として告発された人々であった。[ 6 ]

国民党は政府を批判または反対する人々を迫害し、政権転覆を企てたと非難し、この期間を通じて処罰の範囲を劇的に拡大した。[ 7 ]国民党は、特別刑法を制定して、秘密警察である台湾駐屯軍（TGC）やその他の諜報機関を活用し、政府が反体制派を粛清するための手段としていた。[ 8 ]基本的人権とプライバシーの権利は無視され、国民は広範に監視され、反体制派の疑いのある人は偽の刑事訴訟を起こされ、体制支持の立場に従わない個人は、多くの場合根拠もなく共産主義のスパイとレッテルを貼られた。[ 9 ]他の人々は台湾分離主義者とレッテルを貼られ、反逆罪で起訴された。 [ 10 ]白色テロの間、政府によって約3,000人から4,000人の民間人が処刑されたと推定されている。 [ 1 ]政府はまた、他国に亡命した人々に対して超法規的殺害を行った疑いもあった。 [ a ]

期間
台湾における戒厳令の宣言
 
発効日
    1949年5月20日
廃止
    1987年7月15日
  1950年6月13日の大統領令：反乱期における共産主義の盗賊とスパイの訴追

白色テロは、一般的に1949年5月19日の戒厳令布告から始まったと考えられています。終結の日付については、一部の資料では1987年7月15日のリエユ虐殺後の戒厳令解除[ 11 ]を挙げていますが、他の資料では1992年9月21日の刑法第100条の廃止（反国家活動に対する迫害を認める条項）を挙げています[ 3 ] 。戒厳令は公式には38年57日間続き、解除当時は世界で最も長い戒厳令期間でした。

訴追のほとんどは、国民党が台湾における支配を強化しようとした最初の20年間に行われました。訴追された人々のほとんどは、国民党（KMT）によって「匪賊」、つまり共産党のスパイとみなされ、そのように処罰され、多くの場合は死刑に処されました。[ 11 ] 蒋介石はかつて、「共産党員1人を逃がすくらいなら、1000人の無実の人々を誤って殺す方がましだ」と述べました。[ 13 ]

1987年の烈魚事件後、戒厳令が解除されると、白色テロと二・二八事件について議論することへの恐怖は徐々に薄れていき、[ 16 ] 1995年には公式の追悼式典が設立され、李登輝総統 による謝罪が行われた。2008年、馬英九総統は台北で白色テロの追悼式典で演説を行った。馬総統は政府を代表して犠牲者とその遺族に謝罪し、台湾が二度とこのような悲劇を経験しないことを願うと述べた。[ 17 ]

[1]
[Wikipedia]
1987 Lieyu massacre
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1987_Lieyu_massacre
The 1987 Lieyu massacre occurred on 7 March 1987 at Donggang Bay, Lieyu Island ("Lesser Kinmen" or "Little Quemoy"), Kinmen, Fuchien, Republic of China (ROC) when soldiers from the ROC Army's 185 Heavy Infantry Division killed 24 Vietnamese refugees on the shoreline of Donggang Bay, including eight children (one baby), five women (one pregnant) and eleven men.[1][2] The ROC military officially denied the massacre and defined it as an incident of "accidental manslaughter" (誤殺事件), hence referring to it as the March 7 Incident (三七事件) or Donggang Incident (東崗事件).[7][8]

Despite the ROC's attempts to cover-up the incident, the massacre sparked political outrage, and partially contributed to the end of the 38-year long period of martial law; it had been in place since the Kuomintang's exodus from mainland China in May 1949. The case remains under investigation.[9][10]

[Googleによる翻訳]

1987年の烈嶼虐殺

1987年烈嶼大虐殺は、 1987年3月7日、中華民国（中華民国）富川県金門市烈嶼島（「小金門」または「小金門」）の東港湾で発生した。中華民国陸軍第185重歩兵師団の兵士が東港湾の海岸でベトナム難民24人を殺害した。殺害されたのは子供8人（うち乳児1人）、女性5人（うち妊婦1人）、男性11人だった。 [ 1 ] [ 2 ]中華民国軍は公式にこの虐殺を否定し、「誤殺事件」と定義したため、これを三七事件（東港事件）と呼んだ。[ 7 ] [ 8 ]

中華民国が事件を隠蔽しようとしたにもかかわらず、この虐殺は政治的な怒りを巻き起こし、1949年5月に国民党が中国本土から脱出して以来38年間続いた戒厳令の終焉に一役買った。事件は現在も捜査中である。[ 9 ] [ 10 ]

虐殺
1987年3月6日、香港で入国を拒否されたベトナム難民を乗せた船が政治亡命を申請するために金門島に到着した。しかし、趙将軍はこの要求を拒否し、3月7日朝、ARB-101巡視船に船を海岸から曳航するよう命じ、再入国禁止を警告した。しかし、理由は不明であるが、南海におけるこの船の存在に関する情報は、烈嶼島を含む沿岸防衛部隊の最前線に伝えられることはなかった。

季節的な濃い霧が海岸に発生し、午後には徐々に晴れてきたが、[ 1 ] 16時37分に烈嶼南岸の歩兵駐屯地がベトナム船を発見したが、距離が近すぎたため砲兵による間接射撃支援を要請するには遅すぎた。現地の第1大山頂歩兵大隊指揮官の劉宇少佐、第472旅団指揮官の鍾大佐、第158師団G3作戦主任の韓敬越大佐が参謀将校とともに現場に到着した。[ 39 ]北東部海岸の古い飛行場で野外訓練中だった第629軽砲兵大隊が星型砲弾を1発発射し、背景の地平線を照らしたが、侵略軍の接近は確認できなかった。一方、第3中隊と3個中隊の予備小隊は、別の部隊が到着する中、交戦規則の手順に従い、T57ライフル、.30口径、.50口径の機関銃を近距離で使用し、警告射撃とそれに続く排除射撃を順次行った。歩兵は合計200名以上であった。

ベトナム船は、東港漁港（L-05砲台）の南西にある砂浜に座礁した。そこはM40無反動砲とM30迫撃砲の移動陣地の前にある、戦略上重要な要衝だった。近くには「 04」（中国語の発音で「汝死す」の同音異義語）という愛称の通信中継所があり、その丘の急峻な斜面はレーダー画面上で30度の死角となっていた。この丘の斜面は、金門防衛司令部の機密扱いとなっているM1 240mm榴弾砲（「黒龍」または「核砲」）列車砲陣地と、第158師団の155 / 105mm 砲兵大隊の正面に位置していた。[ 40 ] [ 41 ] [ 42 ]そのため、外国船が海岸に上陸した場所は大きな懸念を引き起こした。ボートは第2大隊のL-05、L-06、そして復興嶼堡からの十字砲火に加え、増援のWPN中隊によるM72 LAW（軽対戦車兵器）2発の射撃を受けた。徹甲弾は空色の木製船体を不発に貫通した。非武装のベトナム人3人がボートから降り、両手を挙げて中国語で「撃つな！」と訴えたが、全員射殺された。[ 43 ] 

現地の第3東崗連中隊長、張中尉は旅団長から捜索隊を派遣して船に乗り込むよう命令を受けた。手りゅう弾2個が船内に投げ込まれたが、捜索隊は乗客全員が武器を持たないベトナム難民であることを確認した。乗客によると船の機械が故障したとのことだった。濃霧、強い季節潮流、そして午後遅くからの上げ潮のため、船は外湾に漂着した。生き残った乗客と遺体は船から運び出され、浜辺に放置されたが、応急処置も生命維持装置も何も施されなかった。師団司令部との緊密な通信の後、現場の指揮官たちは上官から（チャオ司令官が直接伝えたとされる）目撃者全員を抹殺するため乗客を殺害するよう命令を受けた。[ 44 ]最初の弾丸で死ななかった難民も複数回撃たれた。積み重なった死体の中には老人、男性、女性、妊婦1人、子供、セーターを着た赤ちゃんがいた。[ 45 ] [ 46 ]

啓示
隠ぺいする

地元の店主が夜通し難民たちの泣き声を聞きつけ、高雄の国会議員黄朝輝に電話をかけたが、すぐに連絡がつかなくなった。当時、民間と公共の長距離電話はすべて金門防衛司令部の通信監察課によって常時監視されていた。[ 53 ]とはいえ、遺体は最初の埋立地に深く埋められることはなかった。潮の満ち引き​​と高温の影響で、遺体はすぐに腐敗し始め、西側の丘の裏側にある埋め立て地（小金垃圾場）から野犬によって掘り出された。その後、遺体は樹木限界に隣接する高台にある2番目の埋立地にまとめて1つの塚に再埋葬された。この作業は、台湾で毎年開催される陸軍身体競技および戦闘競技会で優勝し、職務に復帰したばかりだった第1中隊によって行われた。[ 54 ]幽霊の目撃談を受けて村人たちは宗教儀式を行い、翌年には兵士によって浜辺に小さな祠が建てられた。この行為は事件に関する情報の拡散を防ぐことをさらに困難にした。 [ 55 ] [ 42 ]しかし、 2011年8月、地雷除去の名の下に、両遺跡に加え、04基地、L-05砲台、東港、さらには防波堤までもがブルドーザーで破壊された。[ 56 ] 2021年、地元住民は悲しみに暮れ、内陸部の道脇に新しい祠を再建した。[ 57 ]

1987年5月初旬、香港の英国紙が、沿岸の港を出て台湾の金門島に向かう途中、難民船が行方不明になったことを初めて報じた。[ 43 ] [ 58 ]海外事務所からの報告を受けた上層部が金門島防衛司令部に質問したが、具体的な回答は得られなかった。[ 59 ]その代わりに司令部は、これ以上の漏洩を防ぐため、人員管理と通信制限を強化するため、この最前線の沿岸防衛大隊を訓練基地の予備大隊と緊急に交代させた。さらに、部外者を混乱させるため、大隊の部隊呼称コードはその後2年間変更された。端午節の前夜には、政府の規則と倫理に反して、大尉の給料の半月分（6,000ドル）に相当する現金の「特別ボーナス」が2回も中隊長に支給された。[ 60 ]しかし、5月末になると、金門島から除隊したばかりの徴兵兵士が台湾本土に到着し始め、ようやく新設の野党である民主進歩党に訴えかけることができた。これにより、虐殺の情報は台湾中に広まり始めた。[ 29 ]

虐殺から10週間後、中華民国（台湾）総統蒋経国は、第158師団と金門防衛司令部による隠蔽工作に反応した。趙万福将軍は事件を知らなかったと述べた。[ 59 ] 5月20日、郝培尊総参謀長の尋問を受けた際、趙将軍は依然として「数人の『共産党兵士』（人民解放軍を指す）が水中で撃たれただけだ」と述べたが、その供述には矛盾する証拠が含まれていた。そこで郝は、遺体を海岸から右手のL-03砲台（東岬）前の人里離れた斜面に移し、 3番目の目印のない場所に遺体をセメントで埋めて封印し、さらに将来の調査を防ぐためその上にコンクリート製の軍事訓練壁を築くよう命じた。[ 49 ] [ 61 ]チャオ将軍は、158人の師団将校全員に隠蔽作戦に参加するよう命じた。[ 49 ]軍は2020年から2024年8月10日までこの道への立ち入りを禁止した。被害者の家族に同行して現場を訪れたドキュメンタリー映画監督の朱賢哲は、遺体が「消えていた」ことに気づいた。[ 57 ] [ 62 ]

検閲
この事件は、これ以上の情報漏洩を防ぐため、20年間軍事機密とされた。

余波
その後の展開
1911年の建国から100年以上が経過した現在も、中華民国には現代国際法に基づいて政治亡命の手続きを規制する難民法がなく、 [ 86 ] [ 87 ] [ 88 ] [ 89 ]政府は犠牲者の家族や国家に対して謝罪や法的補償を行っていない。 [ 90 ] [ 91 ] [ 92 ] 2018年10月3日、台湾のアムネスティ・インターナショナル元会長の立法委員フレディ・リムは、外務国防委員会 [ zh ]の公聴会で、ベトナム代表事務所(ベトナム語: Văn phòng Kinh tế Văn hoá Việt Nam )を通じて遺族に謝罪するため、軍のアーカイブにある犠牲者のファイルを調べるよう求めたが、国防大臣のイエン・テファ将軍はこれに反対し、「部隊は戒厳令時代の標準作戦手順(SOP 規則) に従って [命令] を遂行していたが、今日ではいくつか問題があるように見えるかもしれない。また、彼らは軍法会議にかけられたこともある...」と述べた。[ 90 ] [ 91 ]その後、国防部は「時間が経過しているため、死亡者の身元確認が困難であり、これ以上の捜査はできない」と回答したが、これは1987年に戒厳令が解除されてから30年以上にわたり、中華民国政府の唯一の声明となった。[ 8 ]